Notes: In exceptionally fine condition, this tender representation of the Annunciation is a rare, early painting by the South Netherlandish master, Jan Provost. Considered by Max J. Friedländer one of the most important exponents of the Renaissance as it was interpreted in the Low Countries, Provost was an extraordinarily inventive artist, never repeating his compositions and often striving for the esoteric and enigmatic in his paintings (M.J. Friedländer, op. cit.). His miniaturist training in France is evident here in the courtly, idealized figures, modeled with extraordinary delicacy, and in the lavish attention given to minute details, such as the feathers of Gabriel's multicolored wings and the exquisitely rendered plants and flowers.
Among the most popular themes of Renaissance painting, this Annunciation is set within a contemporary domestic interior. An elegant Virgin Mary, whose porcelain-like face, high forehead and elongated body reflect the ideal of feminine beauty then prevailing in the southern Netherlands, is seated before a simple wooden prayer bench. She has been interrupted while reciting her devotions by a magnificent Gabriel, gliding effortlessly into the room attired in a sumptuous gold-embroidered bishop's cope. His face framed with tussled locks, the Archangel gazes upward toward a dove, symbolizing the Holy Spirit, which descends from the heavens upon three divine rays alluding to the Trinity. Due to the presence of the bed, the contemporary viewer would have associated this space with a marriage chamber--the thalamus virginis--in which the Virgin Mary unites with Christ, her son and symbolic bridegroom as described in the Song of Solomon.
Delightful details abound, such as the metallic clasp of Mary's book, which hangs over the edge of her prayer bench, or the mille fleurs tapestry in the lower foreground and matching tasseled cushions at the far end of the room. The highly unusual placement of such a costly hanging on the floor beneath the Virgin emphasizes her exalted status and also reveals Provost's original approach to his subject matter--it is an astounding invention that apparently has no precedent. At the same time, the rich foliage decorating these textiles echoes the flowering plants visible beyond the portico on the left. In this way, man's artistic endeavors to honor God are contrasted with the beauty of the natural world--God's own art. The wall that rises behind Gabriel's resplendent wings signals that the house is set within an enclosed garden, the sacred precinct dedicated to the Virgin known as the hortus conclusis and symbolic of her chastity. At the far end of the room stands a blue and white maiolica pitcher, a luxurious item from Italy of a type the artist would have encountered at this time in Bruges, one of Europe's most important international trade centers. It contains a single stem of lilies with two white flowers and irises, symbols of the Virgin's purity and her suffering through the sacrifice of Christ, respectively.
Born in Mons, Jan Provost most likely received his initial training from his father, Jan Provost the Elder, and likely continued his training in the workshop of Simon Marmion in Valenciennes. Celebrated as the "prince of illumination" by his contemporaries, Marmion was one of the most important manuscript illuminators of his day. Upon Marmion's death, Provost married his widow, Johanna de Quarube. In 1493, Provost joined the Guild of Saint Luke in Antwerp and in the following year became a citizen of Bruges. He served as president of the Bruges painters' guild in 1519 and 1525, and worked on several important projects for the city throughout his career. Most notably, Provost had the honor of directing Bruges' decorative program for the Triumphal Entry of Charles V in 1520.
Like his contemporary Gerard David, Provost may have operated workshops in both Bruges and Antwerp, and it was in this latter city that he may have first met Albrecht Dürer. In September of 1520, the German artist recorded in his diary that while dining in the house of his friend, the Portuguese Factor, "I took the portrait of Master Jan Prost [Provost] of Bruges, and he gave me 1 fl.-it was done in charcoal." In the early 20th century, Martin Conway convincingly argued that a charcoal drawing on paper in the British Museum (fig. 1) should be identified as this very portrait on the basis of the sitter's similarity to the pointing figure in the background of Provost's Death and the Miser (Groeninge Museum, Bruges), which is almost certainly a self-portrait of the artist (M. Conway, 'Dürer Portraits, Notes', The Burlington Magazine, XXX, no. 187, October 1918, pp. 142-143, 146-147). The following April, Dürer traveled with Provost from Antwerp to Bruges. The German artist writes: "When I reached Bruges Jan Prost took me in to lodge in his house, and prepared the same night a costly meal and bade much company to meet me. So early on Tuesday we went away, but before that I drew with the metal-point the portrait of Jan Prost, and gave his wife 10 st. at parting" (ibid.). As Dürer's remarks reveal, Provost was truly at the center of the artistic community in Renaissance Bruges, and it is intriguing to consider the impact that Dürer and Provost had on one another through this friendship.
At the turn of the century, Provost likely travelled to Jerusalem, possibly via Italy. The present painting's porphyry column, with its boldly-carved composite capital, may correspond to similar architectural elements the artist would have observed on the peninsula during this trip. Provost later served as governor of the Fraternity of Jerusalem Pilgrims, and documentary evidence suggests that he may have been a Knight of the Order of the Holy Sepulchre.
An outstanding example of Jan Provost's early devotional paintings, this The Annunciation had by the 20th century entered the distinguished collection of B.S. Barlow, who owned several great early Netherlandish pictures.
(fig. 1) Albrecht Dürer, Portrait of a man, The British Museum, London, © The Trustees of the British Museum Art Resource, NY.
The striking painting Law and Grace by Lucas Cranach I (Kronach 1472-1553 Weimar) and Lucas Cranach II (Wittenberg 1515-1586 Weimar) is among the most important images of the Protestant Reformation (estimate: $1,500,000-2,500,000). Painted in 1536, the panel illustrates Martin Luther's doctrine of justification by faith with explanatory passages from a German translation of the bible written on papers affixed to its lower and upper edges. With its vivid, jewel-toned palette, deep, panoramic landscapes, and expressive figures, Law and Grace exhibits all of the stylistic hallmarks that placed Lucas Cranach at the forefront of artistic innovation in 16th-century Europe.
Lucas Cranach I (Kronach 1472-1553 Weimar) and Lucas Cranach II (Wittenberg 1515-1586 Weimar), Law and Grace, signed with the artist's serpent device and dated '1536' (lower right, on the rock), and extensively inscribed. oil, gold and paper on panel, transferred on panel, 25½ x 47½ (64.8 x 120.6 cm.). Estimate: $1,500,000-2,500,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2014.
Provenance: Anonymous sale; Helbing, Munich, 20 June 1907, lot 2 (according to a file in the Witt Archive, Courtauld Institute).
PROPERTY OF A LADY
Notes: Unknown to scholars since it appeared at auction over 100 years ago, this striking painting is among the most important images of the Protestant Reformation. Painted in 1536, the panel illustrates Martin Luther's doctrine of justification by faith with explanatory passages from a German translation of the bible written on papers affixed to its lower and upper edges. With its vivid, jewel-toned palette, deep, panoramic landscapes, and expressive figures, Law and Grace exhibits all of the stylistic hallmarks that placed Lucas Cranach at the forefront of artistic innovation in 16th-century Europe.
Lucas Cranach the Elder, his sons and their workshop created many versions of this subject in a variety of media, including paintings, drawings and prints. Each of the painted versions is unique, showing distinctive variations in composition, figural poses and physiognomies. The two earliest treatments of Law and Grace are both signed and dated 1529, and were painted by Lucas Cranach the Elder with some workshop participation. Closest to the present work is that in the Schlossmuseum, Gotha, while the other panel, now in Prague's National Gallery, has a slightly different composition. Although the original patrons for these two paintings remain unknown, it is likely that their programs were formulated with the guidance of Martin Luther (1483-1546) and his collaborator, the theologian Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560). Two pen and ink drawings, each also datable to 1529 (Dresden Kupferstichkabinett and Stadelmuseum, Frankfurt) and a woodcut of 1530 (British Museum, London) are clearly are based on the Gotha painting, which would become the prototype for all subsequent treatments of this theme by the Cranachs.
The message of Law and Grace is rooted in the theological principles of Martin Luther, as set forth in hisCommentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians (published in 1535, but based on lectures given as early as 1519; see J. Dillenberger, Images and Relics: Theological Perceptions and Visual Images in Sixteenth-Century Europe, Oxford, 1999, p. 96). In the tract, the German reformer asserted that Christian salvation is not dependent on human actions, i.e., "good works", but rather on undeserved divine Grace freely given by God. Charity, penance, purchasing of indulgences or any mortal acts are ultimately ineffectual: mankind's sole path to heaven is through faith and God's grace. In Luther's words: "By faith alone can we become righteous, for faith invests us with the sinlessness of Christ. The more fully we believe this, the fuller will be our joy." (M. Luther, Commentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, trans. T. Graebner, Grand Rapids, 1941, chapter 1, verse 13; see also B. Noble, Lucas Cranach the Elder: Art and Devotion of the German Reformation, p. 35 ff.).
Lucas Cranach's relationship with Martin Luther is well documented. As court painter in Wittenberg, Cranach found himself at the very center of the Protestant Reformation. His most important patrons, the Saxon Electors, protected Luther and championed his cause. Cranach was destined to become the de facto official portraitist of the Reformer (fig. 1) and would also provide illustrations for Luther's translation of the New Testament, the September Bible. The two were also close personal friends and godfathers to each other's children. Cranach even introduced Luther to his wife, Katharina von Bora, and later served as witness at their wedding. Like his father, Lucas Cranach the Younger was a strong supporter of the Reformation, and would eventually marry Melanchthon's niece, Magdalena Schurff.
Unlike some of his contemporary reformers, Martin Luther was not opposed to the use of images to educate the faithful and clarify scripture. While stressing that art should not be confused with idolatry, he rejected Iconoclasm. Designed to communicate Reformation ideas in clear terms accessible to all, Law and Grace is among the most significant surviving pictures conforming to Luther's vision of art as a vehicle for instruction. The left side of the panel represents the Catholic understanding of God's divine judgment and punishment for sin. The right side, by contrast, shows God's Grace extended directly to mankind without intermediaries such as the Church, indulgences, or even the sacrifice of the Mass. Documentary evidence suggests that Philipp Melanchthon (fig. 2) advised Lucas Cranach on the selection of the accompanying passages, all but one of which were taken from the New Testament, specifically Romans, Corinthians, and the Gospels of Matthew and John (see B. Noble, op. cit., pp. 40-41).
On the left, Christ appears seated on an orb surrounded by a cloud nimbus populated with cherubs. Two angels play horns, referencing the Last Judgment. Following traditional Christian iconography, Christ raises his left hand and lowers his right, simultaneously directing souls up toward Heaven and casting them down into Hell. Below, Adam takes the fruit from Eve in front of the Tree of Knowledge, signifying Original Sin. The accompanying text underscores these themes: '. 1 . Rom . 1 Es wirdt Offenbahret Gottes Zorn Vom himmel über aller Menschen Gottlos wesen und . Unrecht .' ('The wrath of God is being revealed from heaven against all the godlessness and wickedness of men' Romans 1: 18). Below in the foreground, a bearded man signifying Everyman, or Mankind, is chased down a stony path by a monstrous devil and a skeleton toward a fiery pit filled with tortured souls. The text beneath the flames indicates that eternal damnation is man's inevitable fate under the old religious construct: 'Sie seindt Alle zumall Sünder und manglen das sie sich Gottes nicht Röhmen Mögen Rom . 3 . Capital' ('for all have sinned and fall short of the glory of God' Romans 3: 23). The skeleton holds a lance, the "sting" of death alluded to in the quotation from Corinthians: 'Die Sünde ist des Todtes Spies das Gesetz ist der Sünde Kräf . 1. Cor . 15 . Das gesetz Richtet nur Zorn an. Rom. 4. Cap.' ('The sting of death is sin and the power of sin is the law' 1 Corinthians 15: 56; 'The law brings only wrath' Romans 4: 15). To the right, Moses - identifiable by his stone tablets - and other Old Testament prophets gather to converse: 'Drch das gezestz kompt erkentnus der Sünde . Rom . 3. Das gesetz und alle pro pheten gehen bis duff Johanni Zeit. Mathei . am. 11 . Capitel.' ('through the law we become conscious of sin' Romans 3: 20; 'all the Prophets and the Law prophesied until John'; Matthew 11: 13). The panel is divided by a single central tree, its branches bare on the left side and full of leaves on the right, alluding to the distinction between Death and Life, Old and New, or Wrong and Right.
The images to the right of the tree introduce the viewer to the true path to Salvation as advocated by Luther. Once again, Mankind appears wearing only a loincloth. Here, he stands next to John the Baptist, who shows the way Salvation by pointing toward the crucified Christ. Whereas on the left, Mankind is represented as the frightened sinner, here he is the righteous believer, clasping his hands in prayer as he gazes upon Jesus. Below, the text explains: 'Der gerechte Lebet seines glaubens Rom . 1. wir halten das der Mensch ge recht werdte Durch den gläben Ohn des gesetzes wercke . Rom. 3. Cap.' ('The righteous will live by faith' Romans 1: 17; 'For we maintain that a man is justified by faith apart from observing the law' Romans 3: 28). Blood flows from Christ's wound directly onto Mankind's chest, carrying with it a white dove symbolizing the Holy Spirit. At Jesus's feet is a lamb bearing a white banner with a red cross. This iconography is clarified in the text below: 'Sihe das ist Gottes Lamb das der Weltt sünde tregt Ioh . 1. in der heilichng des geistes und bespangng das bluets Jesu Christe in der . i . Petri . am . i . Capit .' ('Look, the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world!' John 1: 29; 'through the sanctifying work of the Spirit, [for obedience] to Jesus Christ and sprinkling by his blood' 1 Peter 1: 2 (referencing the quote from 1 Peter).
In the background is a vignette depicting the Old Testament story of Moses and the Brazen Serpent. Often seen as a prefiguration of the Crucifixion, this event is recounted in Numbers 21: 4-9, which relates how while wandering through the desert, the Jews began to doubt God, for which he punished them with a plague of fiery, poisonous serpents. After the Jews repented, God instructed Moses to erect a bronze effigy of a serpent upon a pole and to set it ablaze. Once the afflicted cast their eyes on the bronze sculpture, they were cured. Notably, the Brazen Serpent appears on the left "Law" side in both the Gotha and Prague paintings, but in all subsequent versions it appears on the right. It was probably moved to the "Grace" side at the suggestion of Luther or Melanchthon due to its association with the notion of Salvation through Faith, despite its traditional pairing with scenes of the Last Judgment (see D. Ehresmann, 'The Brazen Serpent: A Reformation Motif in the Works of Lucas Cranach the Elder and His Workshop', Marsyas, XII, 1967, 32-47).
On the far right, Christ appears triumphant before his empty tomb following his Resurrection. He spears the devil and Death with a beautifully-rendered rock crystal staff, also bearing a flag. As the nearby text explains, with faith, Mankind no longer needs to fear death: 'Der Todt ist verschlungen in dem Sig Gott aber seij danckh der uns den sig gegeben hatt durch JESUM Christum Unsern Heren. in der ersten . Corenter . . am . 15 . Capitel .' ('Death has been swallowed up in victory' 1 Corinthians 15: 55; 'But thanks be to God! He gives us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ.' 1 Corinthians 57]. In the upper right, the Virgin Mary appears atop a verdant hill, receiving the message of Christ's Incarnation as an infant holding a cross flies toward her. Between them, shepherds are shown in a field, receiving the news of the Savior's birth. These three events are linked to the final caption, which is the only passage from the Old Testament: '. II . Esai . IIII Cap . der. Der s wirdt euch Selbs ein Zeichen geben Sihe ein Jung" frauw wirdt Schwanger Werden und einen Sohn gebehren' ('Therefore the Lord himself will give you a sign: The virgin will be with child and will give birth to a son' Isaiah 7: 14].
Cranach organized his figures into distinct vignettes to ensure the narrative's legibility, and also heightened their immediacy by situating them in familiar Germanic landscapes. Described with a subtle use of atmospheric perspective, the snow-covered mountains and lush greenery in the backgrounds are representative of works from the Danube River School, an artistic movement of which Cranach was a key innovator.
Dieter Koepplin (written communication, 20 September 2013) and Werner Schade (oral communication, 9 October 2013) have identified this panel, on the basis of photographs, as the work of Lucas Cranach the Elder. Both scholars have noted that some areas, such as the backgrounds in the upper sections of the composition, appear to have been painted by members of the Cranach workshop, among them, as Koepplin has suggested, Lucas Cranach the Younger, who would have been only 21 years old in 1536, the year the present picture was painted.
(fig. 1) Lucas Cranach I, Portrait of Martin Luther, half-length, in black, Christie's, London, 3 July 2012, lot 4.
(fig. 2) Workshop of Lucas Cranach I, Philipp Melanchthon, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.
Christie’s is honored to be offering the beautiful Northern Renaissance Virgin and Child, circa 1470-1480, which was restituted to the Estate of Max Stern in March 2013, from the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart (estimate: $400,000-600,000). A stunning object of private devotion, this moving representation of the Virgin and Child, set before a golden background, corresponds to a type popularized in 15th-century Northern Europe by the Master of Flémalle and Rogier van der Weyden. Depicting a solemn Virgin Mary tenderly cradling the Christ Child in her arms, the painting is South Netherlandish in character, yet exhibits several key traits suggesting a German origin.
The Master of the Stern Virgin and Child (active c. 1470-1480), The Virgin and Child, oil on panel, 13 x 9 3/8 in. (33 x 23.8 cm.). Estimate: $400,000-600,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2014.
Provenance: Dr. Alexander Haindorf, Hamm.
Dr. Ernst Theodor Loeb, Galerie Caldenhof, Hamm-Rhynern, Germany; sale, Lepke, Berlin, 8 June 1929, lot 6, as the Master of Flémalle (entry by R. Verres).
with Galerie Stern, Düsseldorf, by April, 1936, as the Master of Flémalle.
Dr. -Ing.e.h. Heinrich Scheufelen, Oberlenningen, by whom donated in 1948 to
The Württenbergische Staatsgalerie, Stuttgart, inv. no. 2318, as Circle of the Master of Flémalle, and later as Possibly by the Master of 1473.
Restituted to the Estate of Dr. Max Stern, 2013.
THE MAX STERN ART RESTITUTION PROJECT
Dr. Max Stern (1904-1987), a world renowned art collector and dealer, was born in München-Gladbach, Germany. His father, Julius, was a prominent gallery owner in Düsseldorf, and after earning his doctorate in art history at the University of Bonn, Max entered the family business, taking over the gallery after his father's death in 1934. Just before World War II, Stern was forced to flee the Nazi regime and eventually relocated to Canada. He had lost the contents of his gallery and private collection of valued artworks through forced sale and confiscation. Once in Canada, he and his wife, Iris, became the proprietors of the Dominion Gallery in Montreal, which became a focal point for promoting the work of living Canadian and European artists. Max Stern is remembered for many other contributions to the art world as well, having generously donated hundreds of works and major funds to Canadian, American and Israeli museums and universities.
After his death in 1987, the executors of his Estate established The Max Stern Art Restitution Project and received unwavering support from his university beneficiaries--the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, McGill University, and Concordia University in Montreal. The project's goals are to recover works taken from the late Jewish collector and dealer and to motivate governments, museums, collectors and the art trade to resolve injustices caused by Nazi cultural policies.
Concordia University has led the restitution project, working closely with the Holocaust Claims Processing Office in New York, as well as with the Art Loss Register in London, and the Lost Art Internet Database in Magdeburg. Since its launching, the project has identified 400 artworks lost by Stern, including paintings by Winterhalter, Brueghel and Carracci. Eleven paintings have been restituted to date.
Christie's is honored to be offering the beautiful Northern Renaissance Virgin and Child, which was restituted to the Estate in March 2013, from the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart--the first German museum to hand back an artwork in the 10-year history of the Stern Project. Happily, the recovery of the painting also coincides with the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Galerie Stern in Düsseldorf. The official return of this painting was part of a larger event in Berlin in which the Chair of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) passed to Canada. The IHRA is an intergovernmental organization that positions the support of political and social leaders behind the need for Holocaust education, remembrance, and research.
PROPERTY FROM THE ESTATE OF MAX STERN
Literature: E. Heye, Sammlung Dr. -Ing.e.h. Heinrich Scheufelen, Stuttgart, 1948, p. 26, illustrated, as Circle of the Master of Flémalle.
Exhibited: Stuttgart, Württenbergische Staatsgalerie, 1948-2013.
Notes: A stunning object of private devotion, this moving representation of The Virgin and Child set before a golden background corresponds to a type popularized in 15th-century Northern Europe by the Master of Flémalle and Rogier van der Weyden. Depicting a solemn Virgin Mary tenderly cradling the Christ Child in her arms, the painting is South Netherlandish in character, yet exhibits several key traits suggesting a German origin.
One can easily see how this painting, which we here introduce as the Stern Virgin and Child, first came to be associated with the Master of Flémalle, who is generally identified as Rogier van der Weyden's teacher, Robert Campin of Tournai (c. 1370/5-1444). The Virgin in the Stern panel, crowned by a magnificent white headdress with twisting angular drapery folds, ultimately derives from the famous, near-life-size depiction ofThe Virgin and Child from the altarpiece of c. 1425-1435 in the Städelmuseum, Frankfurt, after which the Master of Flémalle has been named. In particular, the Stern Virgin's physiognomy, the distinctive tilt of her head, and the manner in which she embraces her child with both hands recall the Frankfurt panel. Also reminiscent of the Master of Flémalle is the shimmering, textured gold in the background, which compares to a fragment from the Master of Flémalle's altarpiece of The Descent from the Cross (Städelmuseum, Frankfurt). At the same time, the overall handling of the figures, particularly the distinctive face of the Christ Child and the long, tapering, angular fingers of the Virgin, closely recall the works of Rogier van der Weyden. The blending of these two styles suggests that the present panel was painted by a highly accomplished artist of a slightly later generation, who was active early in the 4th quarter of the 15th century.
Maryan Ainsworth has observed that the primary source for the Stern Virgin's head was a lost composition by Rogier van der Weyden, known from a remarkably fine copy (often considered an autograph work) in metalpoint on paper in the Cabinet des Dessins, Louvre, Paris (inv. 20.664; fig. 1). The Virgin in the drawing similarly tilts her head to her left and possesses an analogous profile and features, including a high, domed forehead, almond-shaped eyes, prominent sloping eyebrows, and small, plump lips. Working from photographs, Dr. Ainsworth has further noted that the Stern Virgin and Child is closely related to an engraving by Martin Schongauer of The Virgin and Child crowned by two angels of c. 1470 (fig. 2). The distinctive motif of the Christ Child's right arm resting on the Virgin's breast is nearly identical, and the compositions are mirror images. She has therefore suggested that the present panel may have been based on a lost preparatory drawing by Schongauer, thus raising the possibility that the Master of the Stern Madonna was working in Colmar (written communication, 20 October 2013).
Till-Holger Borchert, who has seen the picture firsthand, has also noted its distinctly German character, in particular some stylistic similarities to the workshop of Hans Pleydenwurff, an artist who was active in Nuremberg during the third quarter of the 15th century, or to Friedrich Herlin from Nördlingen, both of whom were greatly influenced by the paintings of Rogier van der Weyden. Borchert observed that the Stern Virgin and Child's tapered hands and angular feet are reminiscent of this artist, yet ultimately concluded that the author of our panel is an as yet unidentified painter working under the influence of Roger van der Weyden in Germany, possibly in Franconia or the Upper-Rhine, c. 1470-1480.
As Ainsworth and Borchert have noted, technical examination of the panel supports such a theory. Infrared reflectography reveals that while the panel has been damaged in some places, the substantial underdrawing that is preserved is markedly un-Rogerian (fig. 3). Indeed, the cross-hatched modeling in the Virgin's cheek and by her temple, as well as the concentric curved lines around the eye at the nose are very similar to Schongauer's drawings, such the head of an angel in the Kupferstichkabinett SMPK, Berlin-Dahlem (Ainsworth, written communication, 20 October 2013; fig. 4). Interestingly, dendrochonological analysis conducted by Ian Tyers in August 2013 dates the panel to just after c. 1255, placing it among the earliest he has ever studied. Reusing panels from earlier works of art or wooden objects was not an uncommon practice in the late 15th century. The panel itself is a single oak board of north German or central Baltic origin, another indicator that the Stern Virgin and Child was painted in Germany rather than the Netherlands.
An alternative theory has been posited by Stephan Kemperdick, who on the basis of photographs has associated our painting with The Virgin and Child with a Flower in the Louvre, there given to a follower of Rogier van der Weyden (inv. R.F. 2067; see D. de Vos, op. cit., no. B18). Based on a lost work by Rogier, this latter painting has at times been attributed to an anonymous late-15th century follower of Rogier known as the Master of the Legend of Mary Magdalene. Most striking in connection with the Stern Virgin and Child is the Christ Child's open-collared white garment with pyramidal drapery folds, which is nearly identical. The infant in the Louvre panel also shows the same facial features as the Stern Christ Child, most notably the tightly cropped, curly golden locks of hair. Although Kemperdick rejects the attribution to the Magdalene Master for both paintings, he suggests that they were made either by the same artist, or artists with similar artistic temperaments, working around 1480 (written communication, 15 October 2013).
Thus, the author of this exquisite panel remains to be identified. Clearly painted by a gifted artist working in the tradition of the great Early Netherlandish masters Rogier van der Weyden and the Master of Flémalle sometime around 1470-80, this splended devotional picture provides an important touchstone for further scholarly research.
(fig. 1) Max Stern at the Dominion Gallery in 1985, National Gallery of Canada, Library and Archives, Fonds Max Stern, Yousef Karsh (1908-2002).
(fig. 1) Rogier van der Weyden, Head of the Virgin, Musée du Louvre, Paris, © RMN-Grand Palais Art Resource, NY.
(fig. 2) Martin Schongauer, The Virgin Mary and Christ on the crescent moon, Musée d'Unterlinden, Colmar.
(fig. 3) Infrared reflectogram of the present lot. © Art Access & Research (UK Ltd.).
(fig. 4) Martin Schongauer, An angel, half-length (possibly the Annunciate Angel), Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin.
The Virgin and Child with Saints Dominic, Augustine, Margaret and Barbara by the Master of the Plumped-Cheek Madonnas (active Bruges, first quarter of the 16th-century) is a highlight among the six works in the Renaissance sale offered by the Metropolitan Museum of Art to benefit the European Paintings Acquisitions Fund (estimate: $400,000-600,000).
The Master of the Plump-Cheeked Madonnas (active Bruges, first quarter of the 16th century), The Virgin and Child with Saints Dominic, Augustine, Margaret and Barbara, oil on canvas, transferred from panel, 38¾ x 51 in. (98.4 x 129.5 cm.). Estimate: $400,000-600,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2014.
Provenance: David P. Sellar, London; his sale, Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, 6 June 1889, lot 27, as Gerard David.
Jean Dollfus, Paris, by 1904; (+), Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, 1 April 1912, lot 83, as Gerard David (50,000 FF to Seligmann).
with Jacques Seligmann, Paris, from whom acquired in 1926 by
Georges Blumenthal, New York, by whom bequeathed in 1941 to
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
PROPERTY FROM THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, SOLD TO BENEFIT THE EUROPEAN PAINTINGS ACQUISITIONS FUND
Literature: A. Alexandre, 'La Collection de M. Jean Dolfus', Les arts, III, 1904, p. 4, as Gerard David.
H. Frantz, 'La curiosité: collections Jean Dollfus (tableaux anciens, objets d'art),' L'art décoratif, XXVI, 5 May 1912, pp. 290-291, as Gerard David.
S. Reinach, Répertoire de peintures du moyen age et de la renaissance (1280-1580), V, Paris, 1922, p. 414, as attributed to Gerard David.
S. Rubinstein-Bloch, 'Paintings-Early Schools,' Catalogue of the Collection of George and Florence Blumenthal, I, Paris, 1926, pl. 50, as possibly by Adrian Isenbrandt.
H.B. Wehle and M. Salinger, The Metropolitan Museum of Art: A Catalogue of Early Flemish, Dutch and German Paintings, New York, 1947, pp. 119-120, as 'Ambrosius Benson (?)'.
F. Bologna, 'Nuove attribuzioni a Jan Provost,' Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts Bulletin, V, 1956, p. 29, n. 18, as not by Benson and related to Provoost.
G. Marlier, Ambrosius Benson et la peinture à Bruges au temps de Charles-Quint, Damme, 1957, p. 335, no. 264, as not by Benson.
E. Larsen. Les primitifs flamands au Musée Metropolitain de New York, Utrecht, 1960, p. 82, as attributed to Ambrosius Benson.
G. Seligman, Merchants of Art: 1880-1960, Eighty Years of Professional Collecting, New York, 1961, p. 120, as Flemish Primitive.
M.W. Ainsworth and K. Christiansen, eds., From Van Eyck to Bruegel: Early Netherlandish Painting in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, exhibition catalogue, New York, 1998, p. 407, as Netherlandish (Antwerp) Painter, 1510.
D. Martens, 'Le Maître aux Madones Joufflues: Essai de monographie sur un anonyme brugeois du XVIme siècle,' Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch LXI, 2000, pp. 112-115, 141, n. 23, figs. 1, 6, 15.
D. Martens, 'Une oeuvre méconnue du Maître aux Madones Joufflues,' Cahiers du Musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon, 2002, pp. 30-31.
Exhibited: Colorado, Colorado Springs Fine Arts Center, Old Masters from the Metropolitan, 24 April-30 June 1949 (no catalogue).
Lexington, Washington and Lee University, The Metropolitan Museum of Art Loan Exhibit, 30 October 1950-15 January 1951, no. 1, as Ambrosius Benson.
Athens, Georgia Museum of Art, University of Georgia, 15 February-5 April 1951 (no catalogue).
Oxford, Ohio, School of Fine Arts, Miami University, 1 November-5 December 1952 (no catalogue).
Dallas, Dallas Museum of Art, Religious Art of the Western World, 23 March-25 May 1958 (no catalogue).
Wilkes-Barre, Miners National Bank, Loan Exhibition from The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1-15 December 1964, no. 3, as Ambrosius Benson.
Columbus, Georgia, Columbus Museum of Arts and Crafts, A Centenary of a Great Museum: Old Master Paintings, 1 November 1969-31 October 1970.
Billings, Montana, Yellowstone Art Center, Christmas-the Nativity, 1-31 December 1978 (no catalogue).
Bellevue, Washington, Bellevue Art Museum, Five Thousand Years of Faces, 30 January-30 July 1983 (entry by T. Schlotterback).
Notes: In 2000, Didier Martens assembled a group of seven paintings around this serene altarpiece, which he considered to be the most important work by an anonymous Bruges painter active in the first half of the 16th century (op. cit.). Stylistically, these paintings resemble the mature work of Gerard David and Ambrosius Benson, yet are distinguished by the idiosyncratically rounded, full faces of the figures. On the basis of this key and consistent identifying trait, Martens named the artist 'The Master of the Plump-Cheeked Madonnas'.
The present picture is a sacra conversazione, a format popular in mid-15th-century Italy, in which saints from different epochs are grouped together in a single space. The Virgin and Child are enthroned within a vast, verdant landscape with carefully-observed architecture in the distance. They are attended by a court of two male and two female saints, arranged in a frieze-like manner. As Martens has observed, the Mary and Christ figures appear to have been inspired by the designs of Rogier van der Weyden, which were still widely circulating in Bruges around 1500. Martens further noted that the pattern for the Virgin and Child was also used in a painting formerly in the Musées de Liège by a painter in the Circle of Joos van Cleve (ibid., pp. 114-155, fig 3.).
Saint Dominic (1170-1221), the founder of the Dominican Order, stands at the far left, dressed in his black and white habit. Before him is a dog with a lighted torch in its mouth, the traditional emblem of the Dominicans, who, due to the ferociousness of their faith and as a pun on Saint Dominic's name, were known as the "dogs of God" (domini canes). Saint Augustine of Hippo (354-430) stands to his right, wearing a red and gold mitre decorated with an embossed relief of the Virgin and Child standing on a crescent moon. He holds a crozier and a heart, a symbol of his religious fervor. Flanking the Virgin is Saint Margaret trampling a dragon. According to the Golden Legend, the Prefect of Antioch wished to marry her, but she refused and was jailed. While praying for her true enemy to be revealed, she was swallowed whole by the devil in the form of a dragon. After making the sign of the cross, she burst forth unscathed, and as such became the patron saint of pregnant women. Dressed in an elegant green gown with golden damask sleeves, the radiant Margaret reads from her prayer book while gesturing in benediction with her right hand. As Martens has noted (ibid., p. 114), similar figures are found in the wings of two Bruges altarpieces, the first by the Master of Saint Ildefonse (Musée de Cluny, Paris), and the second by a follower of Pieter Pourbus (Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts, Brussels). In the present painting, Saint Barbara appears at far right, holding a martyr's palm and standing before the tower in which she was imprisoned by her father, Dioscurus, to protect her from suitors. These four saints would have been selected by the patrons, and may have held special significance for the owners of the chapel where the panel was originally displayed. While no donor figures are present, they may have appeared with additional saints in altar wings as this panel likely once formed the central element of a triptych.
The detailed treatment of the vegetation in the foreground is reminiscent of tapestries, the costliest and most luxurious art form of the 16th century. Many of the flowering plants and herbs are identifiable and were chosen for their symbolic significance, including wild strawberries, snapdragons, dandelions (a symbol of Christ's passion), sage, and lily of the valley. Such a meticulous description of plant life is typical of Bruges painting of the late 15th and early 16th centuries, and is often found in the work of artists active in the circle of Gerard David. Sensitively-rendered details such as the reflection of the trees on the surface of the water and the minute travelers in the background point to the Master's talent for combining spiritual vision with earthly beauty.
AGE OF VASARI
The Renaissance sale will feature a special selection of 9 works painted in mid to late 16th-century Florence during the so-called “Age of Vasari.” Property sold to benefit the Cornell University College of Veterinary Medicine will include The Pietà by Giorgio Vasari (Arezzo 1511-1574 Florence) (estimate: $300,000-500,000). Previously unpublished, this Pietà is a significant addition to Vasari’s corpus of paintings. It is typical of the smaller-scale devotional paintings that Vasari made for friends and private patrons during the earlier years of his career and, in particular, prior to his engagement as court artist to Duke Cosimo de’ Medici in Florence in 1555. This work is most likely identifiable as one of two paintings that Vasari made in 1549 for Ludovico da Ragugia, or Ragusa, a Florentine merchant.
Giorgio Vasari (Arezzo 1511-1574 Florence), The Pietà, oil on panel, 22 5/8 x 17 in. (57.4 x 43.1 cm.). Estimate: $300,000-500,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2014.
Provenance: (Probably) made for Ludovico da Ragugia, Florence, 1549.
PROPERTY SOLD TO BENEFIT THE CORNELL UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF VETERINARY MEDICINE
Literature: (Probably) G. Vasari, Der literarische Nachlass, ed. K. and H.-W. Frey, Munich, 1930, II, p. 868, no 189.
Exhibited: New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2012-2013.
Notes: Previously unpublished, this Pietà is a significant addition to Vasari's corpus of paintings. Representing the moment following Christ's Deposition, it shows the Virgin seated before the cross, mourning the loss of her Son. His slumped body is resting at her feet; at his side lies the crown of thorns, one of the instruments of his Passion. As related in the Gospels, the scene is shrouded in darkness with the sun and moon obscured. It is typical of the smaller-scale devotional paintings that Vasari made for friends and private patrons in and outside Florence during the earlier years of his career and in particular prior to his engagement as court artist to Duke Cosimo de' Medici in Florence in 1555. Vasari kept account books, called the Ricordanze, in which he recorded most of his commissions on an annual basis, including brief descriptions of the works and their prices, the earliest entry dating from 1527 and the last from 1572, two years before his death (G. Vasari, op. cit., pp. 874-884.). The descriptions in the Ricordanze - usually more precise and comprehensive when it came to larger or official commissions than smaller private ones - have enabled art historians identify precisely most of Vasari's extant paintings.
This work, too, appears to be documented in Vasari's Ricordanze. More specifically, it is most likely identifiable as one of two paintings that Vasari made in 1549 for Ludovico da Ragugia, or Ragusa, a Florentine merchant, for the price of thirty scudi. Vasari's entry reads:
'I record that on 8 January 1549 I was commissioned two paintings by Messer Ludovico da Ragugia, merchant in Florence, each of them one braccia in height; one of them was to show a Madonna and Child with San Giovanni Battista, San Giuseppe and Santa Anna, and the other Christ Our Lord, lying dead at the feet of our Virgin, who cries over Him, with the obscuration of the sun and the moon' ['Ricordo, come a di 8 di Gennaio 1549 mi fu allogato duo quadri da messer Lodovico da Ragugia, merchante in Fiorenza, duo quadri di braccia uno daltezza luno [=each]. Inequali si aveva a dipignere in una uno la Nostra Donna. Et inell altro il Nostro Signore Giesu X° morto a pie della Nostra Donna, che lo piangessi, con la oscuratione del sole et della luna. E quali finiti che fussero mi promesse dare per pagamento dessi scudi trenta doro.'] (ibid., p. 868, no. 189).
While Vasari's account of the first picture is too vague to identify it with any known work, that of the Pietà, unusually precise in the description of the subject-matter, matches the composition of the present painting exactly. In addition, the measurements mentioned in the Ricordanze (1 braccio fiorentino = approximately 58.3 cm.) correspond closely with those of the picture, thus leaving little doubt as to its identification as thePietà made for Ludovico da Ragugia in 1549.
A few years earlier, in 1542, Vasari had painted a larger and iconographically more complex version of thePietà for his friend and patron, the Florentine banker and collector Bindo Altoviti (1491-1557), then living in exile in Rome (fig. 1). A member of the Florentine nobility, Altoviti lived in Rome close to the Vatican, where he was banker of the Curia and also held the post of Depositario della Fabbrica di San Pietro. He was a strong opponent of the Medici in Florence yet at the same time an important collector of works by such Florentine artists as Raphael, Cellini, Vasari, and Salviati (for a comprehensive analysis of this Pietà and Altoviti's role as collector and patron see L. Corti, 'La Pietà di Vasari per Bindo Altoviti' in Ad Alessandro Conti, Quaderni del seminario di storia della critica d'arte, no. 6, Pisa, 1996, pp. 147-164).
In 1540, Altoviti had commissioned from Vasari an altarpiece of the Allegory of the Immaculate Conception for his family chapel in SS. Apostoli, Florence, one of the painter's most successful works (L. Corti, 'Vasari: catologo completo', I gigli dell'arte, 3, Florence, 1989, no. 20). The Altoviti Pietà, itself rediscovered only in recent times (sold Christie's, New York, 27 January 2000, lot 71), greatly helped Vasari establish himself as a leading painter in Rome in the 1540s. Previously, he had worked in Tuscany and northern Italy, and the Altoviti Pietà served to demonstrate the artist's inventiveness and pictorial skills to a wide range of potential clients. His efforts to impress the leading Roman patrons were not made in vain. After seeing the AltovitiPietà, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese commissioned a large painting from Vasari, an Allegory of Justice, preserved at Capodimonte, Naples, and subsequently entrusted him with the fresco decoration of the Sala di Cento Giorni in the Palazzo della Cancelleria, Rome (L. Corti, ibid., nos. 28, 46).
Vasari took great care in the execution of the Altoviti Pietà and sought iconographic advice from the humanist Paolo Giovio. And so as to pay homage to the most famous Florentine artist then living in Rome, he included several references to works by Michelangelo, such as his Pietà in St. Peter's and the fresco of the Last Judgement in the Sistine Chapel, which had been unveiled only about a year earlier. The figure of Christ lying on the ground rather than being supported by the Virgin, however, was a reference to another work whose main figures are based on a design by Michelangelo: Sebastiano del Piombo's famous Pietà at Viterbo of c. 1516-17 (fig. 2).
While the present Pietà is loosely based on the Altoviti painting --from it Vasari took, with some variations and in reverse, the reclining figure of Christ--it was, above all, Sebastiano's Pietà upon which Vasari modeled his work. The triangular composition, the pose of the Virgin with her hands folded, and the dark landscape with the obscured sun and moon, reveal the artist's intimate knowledge of Sebastiano's painting. We do not know exactly when Vasari visited Viterbo, yet he is all but certain to have stopped there on one of his trips to Rome in the late 1530s and 1540s. In Sebastiano's Vita, Vasari praises the painstaking execution of the Viterbo Pietà, particularly mentioning the gloomy (tenebroso) landscape, which was already famous at the time (G. Vasari, Le Vite de' più eccellenti Pittori, Scultori ed Architettori, G. Milanesi, ed., Le Opere di Giorgio Vasari, Florence, 1878-1885, V, p. 568: 'Sebastiano [...] vi fece un paese tenebroso molto lodato').
The depiction of night scenes was one of Vasari's specialties. In the summer of 1538, immediately after his return from an extensive study trip to Rome and perhaps after visiting Viterbo, Vasari painted an Adoration of the Shepherds for the monastery of Camaldoli in the guise of a night piece - 'contrafacendovi una oscurit di notte', as he states in the Ricordanze (G. Vasari, 1930, op. cit., no. 94. See also L. Corti, op. cit., no. 9). Subsequently Vasari treated the subject several times on a smaller scale, each time referring to them in theRicordanze as a night piece, or notte. (ibid., p. 865, no. 166, p. 871, no. 213).
That Vasari's rendering of darkness impressed his contemporaries is further documented by an event that occurred many years later. In 1564, he made a drawing of Judith Holding the Head of Holofernes for his friend and iconographic advisor, Vincenzio Borghini, from which the latter's protégé, Giovanni Battista Naldini, was to execute a now-lost painting. In a letter to the artist, which contained precise instructions concerning the painting's iconography, Borghini asked Vasari specifically to depict the scene as a night piece (notte), like the one he had painted for Camaldoli more than twenty-five years earlier (ibid., p. 101, 'come la vostra note di Camaldoli').
In its subtle rendering of uncanny darkness, this Pietà testifies to Vasari's success in a genre that was highly appreciated already by his contemporaries. In addition, it constitutes an important testament to Vasari's assimilation of one of Sebastiano's major paintings, successfully combining the monumentality of Michelangelesque figures with Sebastiano's painterly treatment of the landscape. At the same time, the classical simplicity of Vasari's composition reveals the painter at his most touching and personal.
Florian Härb, September 2013
(Fig. 1) Giorgio Vasari, Pietà, Christie's, New York, 27 January 2000, lot 71 ($574,500).
(Fig. 2) Sebastiano del Piombo Pietà De Agostini Picture Library V. Pirozzi The Bridgeman Art Library.
Two exquisite paintings by Alessandro Allori (Florence 1535-1607), Laocoön and Noli me tangere, will also be sold to benefit the Cornell University College of Veterinary Medicine (each estimate: $400,000-600,000).
Alessandro Allori (Florence 1535-1607), Laocoön, oil on panel, 28 5/8 x 22¼ in. (72.7 x 56.5 cm.). Estimate: $400,000-600,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2014.
Provenance: Anonymous sale; Sotheby's, New York, 14 October 1992, lot 179, as Italian School, 16th Century, where acquired by the present owner.
PROPERTY SOLD TO BENEFIT THE CORNELL UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF VETERINARY MEDICINE
Exhibited: Princeton, Princeton University Art Museum, In Celebration: Works of art from the collections of Princeton alumni and friends of the Art Museum, Princeton University, 22 February-8 June 1997, no. 139.
Ottawa, National Gallery of Canada, From Raphael to Carracci: The Art of Papal Rome, 29 May-7 September 2009, no. 92 (entry by L. Feinberg).
Notes: On the 14th of January, 1506, a group of ancient statues was accidentally discovered by a farmer digging in his vineyard on the Esquiline Hill in Rome. Pope Julius II (r. 1503-1513) was immediately notified, and promptly sent his most trusted expert, the architect Giuliano da Sangallo, to inspect the site. Years later, his son Francesco da Sangallo recounted the event:
The first time I was in Rome when I was very young, the pope was told about the discovery of some very beautiful statues in a vineyard near S. Maria Maggiore. The pope ordered one of his officers to run and tell Giuliano da Sangallo to go and see them. He set off immediately. Since Michelangelo Buonarroti was always to be found at our house, my father having summoned him and having assigned him the commission of the pope's tomb, my father wanted him to come along, too. I joined up with my father and off we went. I climbed down to where the statues were when immediately my father said, "That is the Laocoön, which Pliny mentions." Then they dug the hole wider so that they could pull the statue out. As soon as it was visible everyone started to draw, all the while discoursing on ancient things, chatting as well about the ones in Florence (quoted and translated in L. Barkan, Unearthing the Past, New Haven, 1999, p. 3.)
In the 16th century, the most famous account of the tragic death of the high priest Laocoön and his sons was Virgil's Aeneid. The ancient Roman poet describes how during the Trojan war the mainland Greeks, having feigned retreat, hid inside a great wooden horse ("Beware of Greeks bearing gifts!") they had left on the battlefield. Suspecting treachery, Laocoön warned his fellow Trojans by shouting "Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes!", but was ignored. Shortly thereafter, while Laocoön was preparing to sacrifice a bull according to his priestly duties, the gods sent two enormous serpents from the sea to attack him and his sons. The Trojan's interpreted Laocoön's horrific death as a sign of the divine disapproval of their refusal of the Greek's gift, and so they brought the wooden horse into their city, leading to its sack.
The rediscovery of the Laocoön in 1506 had a profound impact on Italian Renaissance art. Sangallo recounts that the sculptural group was instantly recognizable due to Pliny the Elder's glowing description of it in his first-century Natural History, which at the time was considered the most important and trusted account of the lost artistic treasures of ancient Rome. According to Pliny, the Laocoön was "a work superior to any painting and any bronze" [Natural History 36.37]. The sculpture was all the more praiseworthy, he continues, because it was the result of a collaboration between three sculptors--Hagesandros, Polydorus, and Athenodorus of Rhodes--and was carved out of a single block of marble. To Michelangelo and his fellow artists, its reemergence must have been understood as divine providence: precisely at a time when they were striving to equal or even surpass the great achievements of their ancient predecessors, a fabled masterpiece literally reappeared out of the ground before their eyes. Immediately upon its discovery, Michelangelo and his companions began to draw the statue and converse about its relationship not only to other wonders of Antiquity, but also to the great works of their own day. As Leonard Barkan has noted, in this way "the unearthed object becomes the place of exchange not only between words and pictures but also between antiquity and modern times and between one artist and another (ibid.)". Soon after the Laocoön resurfaced, Pope Julius purchased it and had it transferred to the Cortile Belvedere. The boldly-carved statue (fig. 1), with its emotionally-charged figures in contorted, twisting poses, proved a powerful source of inspiration not only for Michelangelo, but also for his great contemporaries Raphael and Titian. It would also profoundly influence key Mannerist artists of succeeding generations, including Giorgio Vasari, Giambologna, and Alessandro Allori, the pupil and adoptive son of Agnolo Bronzino.
In the present painting, Laocoön and his sons struggle violently against the two serpents in precisely the same poses in which they appear in the ancient statue, which Allori almost certainly would have encountered on his first visit to Rome in 1554-1556. Allori has even replicated the figures' draperies down to the cloth that falls from the son's shoulder to the floor on the right--a detail that in the sculpture is required to support the weight of the marble, but here serves no apparent function. Notably, the painter situates the scene of Laocoön's death inside a simple courtyard with a classically-inspired archway opening onto a landscape. This architectural setting is more reminiscent of Bramante's Cortile Belvedere than the river bank outside the city of Troy described by Virgil. Allori's reference to the Laocoön's modern installation in the Vatican, together with the conspicuous inclusion of the ancient statue's stepped pedestal below his figures, signals his true intention for this painting. The artist assumes the role of a modern Pygmalion, surpassing mere earthly powers of representation by bringing the sculpture to life, not by the magic of the gods, but rather, by the power of his brush. In this manner, Allori evokes the Paragone, the philosophical debate over the relative merits of painting versus sculpture. The painter enhances the cold, white marble sculpture with colors taken from nature. The warm flesh-tones of Laocoön and his sons and the cool greens and yellows of the snakes' tactily immediate scales find no parallel in the art of sculpture as it was understood in the Renaissance. Likewise Allori's landscape - conceived according to the principles of atmospheric perspective with orange and pink tones gradually fading into light blues - creates an illusion of distance that the plastic arts cannot achieve. By "improving" upon the original statue in these ways, Allori makes a compelling case for painting's mimetic superiority over its sister art.
As Larry Feinberg recently observed, the Laocoön's struggling figures would find their way into several of Allori's other works (loc. cit.). For instance, the painter drew inspiration from the sculpture for his crucified thieves in his Deposition in the Prado (c. 1570-1575) and the figure in the upper right of his Deposition in the church of Santa Croce, Florence (finished in 1571). Feinberg dates the present painting to the same period in which Allori created these two paintings, that is, around the time he was working on the paintings for Francesco de Medici's studiolo in Florence. In these years, the painter was moving away from the style of Bronzino and embracing a more Michelangelesque aesthetic - in particular the twisting, energetic postures, powerful musculature, and intense emotion that Michelangelo had himself distilled from the Laocoön's example. Indeed, the figures of Allori's Laocoön are closely related to the hyper-muscular, contorted bodies found in his Pearl Gatherers and the Banquet of Cleopatra (both Palazzo Vecchio, Florence). The present painting compares even more closely to Allori's Abduction of Proserpine (Getty Museum, Los Angeles), in which the principal figures are likewise conceived as twisting, sculptural forms, swelling with energy. The latter work is signed and dated 1570, providing a strong reference point for the dating of the present painting (ibid.).
(fig. 1) Laocoön, prior to 20th century restoration, with extended arm (marble), Greek Vatican Museums and Galleries, Vatican City Alinari The Bridgeman Art Library.
Alessandro Allori (Florence 1535-1607), Noli me tangere, signed and dated and inscribed 'NEL.A.M.D.99/ALESSANDRO BRONZINO/ALLORI DIPINGEVA' (lower center), oil on panel, 24¼ x 19¼ in. (61.5 x 48.8 cm.). Estimate: $400,000-600,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2014.
Provenance: Palazzo Borghese, Rome, by 1872; sale, Giacomini & Campobachi, Rome, 7 April 1892, lot 666.
Giuseppe Volpi, 1st Count of Misurata (1877-1947), Rome, by 1929, and by descent to
Giovanni Colpi, Count of Misurata; his sale, Laurin & Gillaux, Palazzo Volpi, Rome, 11 October 1972, lot 109.
with Trinity Fine Art, London, 2004, where acquired by the present owner.
PROPERTY SOLD TO BENEFIT THE CORNELL UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF VETERINARY MEDICINE
Literature: J. Meyer, Allgemeines Künstler-Lexicon, Leipzig, 1872, I, p. 505.
C. Gamba, 'A proposito di Alessandro Allori e di un suo ritratto', in Dalla Rivista del Reale Istituto d'archeologia e storia dell'arte, I, 1929, pp. 274-275, fig. 9, as dated 1590.
A. Venturi, La Pittura del Cinquecento in Storia dell'arte italiana, VI, Milan, 1933, pp. 108-109, fig. 70.
L. Berti, 'Note brevi su inediti toscani', Bollettino d'Arte, XXXVIII, no. 2, 1953, p. 280, as dated 1590.
A Selection of Italian Drawings from North American Collections, exhibition catalogue, Montreal, p. 33.
S. L. Giovannoni, Alessandro Allori, Turin, 1991, pp. 263, 274-275, no. 117; p. 289, under no. 152, as dated 1590.
Exhibited: London, Trinity Fine Arts, 23 June-9 July 2004, no. 1.
New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2012-2013.
The subject of this exquisite panel is based on a passage in John (20:17), which recounts the Resurrected Christ appearing before Mary Magdalene. At first, she thinks he is a gardener, but when she recognizes him and falls at his feet he instructs her not to touch him. Here, Christ carries a banner with the sign of the cross, symbolizing his triumph over death. Mary, her curly red-blond hair falling in waves over her shoulders, has just made her discovery and dropped to her knees before the Redeemer. The scene takes place in an elegant Italian villa garden surrounded by a crenellated wall and adorned with typically Florentine architectural decorations in pietra serena. A stately row of cypress trees rises up at right, and in the background, a pergola adorned with blooming vines stands out against the gentle glow of a spring sunset.
One of the most important painters active in Florence in the second half of the 16th century, Alessandro Allori was the pupil and adopted son of Bronzino and the father of Cristofano Allori, the distinguished Florentine painter of the early Baroque period. Alessandro's work reveals a deep respect for the bel disegno of the masters of the golden age of Florentine art, including Michelangelo, Andrea del Sarto and, of course, Bronzino. His style, however, incorporates a variety of contemporary influences and his landscapes in particular may reflect firsthand knowledge of Northern painters such as Paul Bril.
After an early sojourn in Rome from 1554-1560, during which he studied antique statuary and the works of Michelangelo, Allori returned to Florence and became a favored artist of the Florentine elite. His paintings for the prestigious Salviati, cousins of the Medici, include mythological panels at Alamanno Salviati's villa at Ponte alla Badia, near Florence, and fresco decorations for Jacopo Salviati's Florentine palazzo as well as for his family chapel in the monastery of San Marco. Allori also frequently painted for the Medici; his frescoes in the Salone Grande of the family villa at Poggio a Caiano, near Florence, comprise his most important secular commission, and his iconic Pearl Fishers of 1570-1571, which decorates the western wall of Francesco de' Medici's studiolo in the Palazzo Vecchio, remains one of the most memorable images of the Florentine maniera.
The present picture was first published in in 1872, when it was still a part of the Borghese collection, as 'an important work in the Galleria Borghese in Rome, where one sees Christ portrayed as a gardener holding a vessel before the kneeling Magdalen, depicted as a gentlewoman with a beautiful head and a languid expression, wearing a lace collar and shawl' (Meyer, loc. cit.). Nearly fifty years later, Carlo Gamba saw theNoli me tangere in the collection of Count Volpi of Misurata in Rome. Gamba extolled the panel's 'delightful' qualities, pointing out the dignified serenity of the sacred figures and marveling at the soft evening light which envelops them:
'Calmo e nobilmente misurato nel gesto e nei severi drappeggi, che oramai rivestono d'austerità le sacre figure si manifesta l'Allori nel deliziosio Noli me tangere del Conte Volpi di Misurata del 1590, ove Christo e la Maddalena circonfusi di luce vespertina spiccano nel fondo cupo d'un classico giardino con archi e alberi contro il chiarore del cielo.' ['A calmness and noble restraint in gesture and in the severe garments, which enhance the austerity of the sacred figures, are manifested by Allori in the delightful Noli me tangere of 1590 owned by the Count Volpi of Misurata, in which Christ and the Magdalene are surrounded by evening light, set off out against the dark background of a classical garden with arches and trees before the glowing sky.'] (loc. cit.).
None of the scholars who subsequently published the picture had the opportunity to see it in person: Venturi (1933) and Berti (1953) relied on Gamba's black and white photograph, and in her 1991 catalogue raisonné on Allori, Giovannoni listed it as lost. Understandably, these scholars repeated Gamba's misreading of the date, which current examination has revealed to be '99', thus placing the panel nine years later than traditionally thought. As such, this recently rediscovered Noli me tangere provides valuable insight into Allori's most mature phase.
As Giovannoni notes, after 1580 Allori began to move away from the example of Bronzino, developing the highly refined, polished mode of his final years, in which the elegance of his figures and the intensity of their relationships became increasingly accentuated, often to great poetic effect (op. cit., p. 262). Two other versions of the Noli me tangere subject by Allori survive: a canvas of similar composition in the Confraternita della Misericordia, Arezzo, recorded as having once been dated 1584 (fig. 1; see Giovannoni, op. cit. no. 97), and a fresco of the mid-1580s from a series of scenes from the life of Mary Magdalene in the Palazzo Salviati, Florence (see Giovannoni, op. cit., no. 70). The present work is Allori's last known treatment of the subject, and typical of his most serenely spiritual mature paintings: crisply delineated as tangible presences, Mary and Christ at the same time evoke the sort of grace appropriate to holy figures. With the glow of a cruciform halo emanating behind him, Christ reaches out to bless Mary with an almost Baptismal gesture. Their gazes are imbued with remarkable intensity: lost in mutual contemplation, they seem indifferent to the loveliness of their surroundings, which unfold toward a radiant pink and blue sky behind, enhancing the poetry of the moment.
The importance of landscape evident in the present picture is characteristic of Allori's most mature works--those datable to after 1590--which reflect his developing interest in Flemish and Venetian painting. Several paintings from the last years of the artist's life demonstrate this new emphasis on richly described naturalistic backgrounds, including the Sacrifice of Isaac of 1601 in the Uffizi, Florence; the Christ in the House of Mary and Martha of 1605 in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna (fig. 2); and the St. Jerome in Penitence of 1606 in the Princeton University Art Museum. The prominence of the landscape in the present work is especially notable in light of the drawing upon which it was based (fig. 3), which was made some ten years earlier in preparation for a series of overdoor tapestries with scenes from the New Testament, woven between 1588 and 1598. While the drawing, and the tapestry for which it served as a design, repeat the general contours of the background, the landscape setting in the present panel is enhanced with myriad rich details and infused with the subtle tonality of approaching twilight.
The Noli me tangere has an illustrious provenance: from at least 1872 it was part of the celebrated Borghese collection in Rome, housed in the magnificent Villa Borghese outside the Porta Pinciana. In the spring of 1892 it was sold, along with the contents of the Villa Borghese. The entry in the auction catalogue, in which the correct date of 1599 is indicated, reads:
'La Madeleine et Jésus Christ. Madeleine agenouillée, ses cheveux blonds dénonés retombant sur les épaules, vêtue d'une robe brune et d'un manteau vert, contemple avec admiration Notre-Seigneur qui debout et tenant une bannière à longue hampe dans la main gauche, lève le bras vers elle; robe rouge et manteau bleu. Un jardin avec berceau, entouré de murs crénelés, et des collines à l'horizon, forment le fond. Tableau d'un beau caractère et d'une grande finesse d'exècution; signè et datge: = NEL. A. M. D. 99 = ALESSANDRO BRONZINO = ALLORI DIPINGEVA.'
By the early 20th century, the Noli me tangere had entered the collection of Giuseppe Volpi, 1st Count of Misurata, a diplomat and Italy's leading industrialist. Often referred to as the 'Last Doge', Volpi served as Italy's Finance Minister from 1925-1928, successfully negotiating Italy's First World War debt repayments to the United States and England. Among other achievements, he was Chairman of the Venice Biennale and founder, in 1932, of the Venice Film Festival. He and his wife, the Countess Nathalie Volpi di Misurata, were pillars of contemporary Roman and Venetian society, hosting magnificent annual balls at their palaces in Rome and Sabaudia that were attended by guests from Cole Porter to Winston Churchill and the Duke and Duchess of Windsor. By wish of Pope John XXIII, Count Volpi was buried in the basilica of Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari in Venice, one of the greatest churches in the city. The Palazzo Volpi in Rome, where the present picture was housed, overlooks the city and the once-Royal gardens from 15,000 feet of terraces and five floors. It was built in the 17th century by the architect Alessandro Specchi, who also designed the Spanish Steps in Rome.
(fig. 1) Alessandro Allori, Noli me tangere, Confraternita della Misericordia, Arezzo.
(fig. 2) Alessandro Allori, Christ in the House of Mary and Martha, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Photo Credit : Erich Lessing Art Resource, NY.
(fig. 3) Alessandro Allori, Noli me tangere, Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven.
Another highlight of the “Age of Vasari” is a Portrait of Cosimo I de’ Medici (1519-74) by the great Florentine artist, Jacopo Pontormo (Pontormo, near Empoli 1494-1556 Florence) (estimate: $300,000-500,000). This imposing portrait of Cosimo I de’ Medici was created around 1537- 1538, just after he was elected Duke of Florence in January 1537 at the age of 18. A work of the artist’s mature phase, the portrait typifies Pontormo’s approach to the genre, in which the elegantly elongated and haughtily posed sitter seems intensely alive as a psychological presence.
Jacopo Carucci, called Jacopo Pontormo (Pontormo, near Empoli 1494-1556 Florence), Portrait of Cosimo I de' Medici (1519-74), half-length, in a black slashed doublet and a plumed hat, holding a book, oil (or oil and tempera) on panel, 39½ x 30¼ in. (100.6 x 77 cm.). Estimate: $300,000-500,000. Photo: Christie's Images Ltd 2014.
Provenance: Riccardo Romolo Riccardi (1558-1612), before 1612, Florence, and thence by descent until at least 1814.
Charles T.D. Crews, London; (+), Christie's, London, 2 July 1915, lot 144, as Bronzino, where acquired by the following.
with Pawsey & Payne, London.
Sir Thomas Merton, Winforton House, Hereford (according to Witt Library Mount).
with F.A. Drey, London.
Lord Burton, England.
with Wildenstein & Co., New York, by 1952, from whom acquired in 1980 by the present owner.
THE AGE OF VASARI
The Age of Vasari is a useful if broad catch phrase for the period in Italian art from c. 1520-1580, when the so called Mannerist style, as developed in Florence and Rome in painting, sculpture, and architecture, was diffused throughout Italy and all Europe. Vasari, born in Arezzo in Tuscany, was himself a leading Mannerist painter, but is best known for his great biographical work, the Lives of the Artists, in which he chronicles the careers of Italian masters past and present in unprecedented depth, anticipating modern art history. According to Vasari, the arts in Italy had evolved to perfection in the work of Michelangelo, and the High Renaissance of the early Cinquecento, dominated by Raphael and Leonardo as well as Michelangelo, still seems from today's perspective to have achieved exemplary harmony in an Italy otherwise beset by political strife and foreign incursions. Indeed Raphael's fresco of The School of Athens in the Vatican (1509-1510; fig. 1), though the philosophers are Greek, evokes in monumental form the stability of a long-vanished Roman imperium that had lasted well over a millennium. But just as the Roman Empire was undermined by internal disruption, so the High Renaissance point of balance was not destined to last. Indeed the seeds of change were already present in one of its greatest achievements, the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel (fig. 2). Here the energetic and complex body language and the bright aggressive color contrasts adumbrate the more restless style of the next generation where sophisticated artifice and virtuosity were prized over naturalism, and abstruse compositions and subject matter were preferred to narrative clarity.
In Rome, all the arts were dominated by the juggernaut figure of Michelangelo. To imitate him was not condemned as uncreative eclecticism but honored as appropriate homage to an unsurpassable exemplar. In Michelangelo's Last Judgment, completed in 1541, the whole company, both damned and elect, seem weighed down by the gross physicality of the human condition. We live in a world of sin and can only be saved by divine fiat. The helplessness of man in the face of the Almighty is a somewhat Protestant concept from a Roman point of view, so the Last Judgment, also criticized for indecorous nudity, excited unease as well as reverence and awe. In Florence, the other principle fount of the Mannerist style, Michelangelo's unsettling influence was also pervasive and in a masterpiece of the first generation of Florentine Mannerism, Pontormo'sDeposition (fig. 3) of 1528, the Christ immediately recalls Michelangelo's canonical sculpture of the Pietà in Saint Peter's. The balletic grace of the figures, the pale surreal colors and the trance-like but very dead Christ with leaden eyelids and lips, conjure up a dreamlike atmosphere from which the anthropo-centric certainties of Renaissance humanism have been banished in favor of something approaching the transcendental Christianity of Byzantium and Hagia Sofia. In the Deposition by Rosso (fig. 4), the other great master of this generation of Mannerism in Florence, there is by contrast something devilish and infernal in the vicious angular poses, the razor-sharp draperies, and the aggressive Michelangelesque colors which evoke the dismal agony of earthly grief rather than the otherworldly promise of redemption in the Pontormo.
In the group of paintings on offer, the influence of Rosso is clearly apparent in the confrontational and angular Madonna and Child by Carlo Portelli and that of Pontormo in the balletic grace of Mirabello Cavalori'sEntombment. In the latter, form dominates content in a typical display of Mannerist complexity, and the subject matter is swamped by the graceful drift of the figures. The same sort of effect can be seen in a fresco by Bronzino, Pontormo's pupil, of the Martyrdom of St. Lawrence (fig. 5) in the eponymous church in Florence where the saint on the grill is overwhelmed by the other figures in a riot of athletic visual gymnastics.
At the height of the age of Vasari, in the mid-16th century, Rome was fully theocratic under a papacy enriched by tribute from all over Europe and the New World. In Florence, the rule of the Medici was less oligarchic than in times past and firmly autocratic under the Grand Duke Cosimo, who came to power in 1537. The Medici had risen to prominence through the wool trade and banking, and gilded the lily by magnificent patronage of the arts. They had their ups and downs, including periods of exile, but by the end of the 16th century, were secure in the European political pantheon, furnishing four popes and two Queens of France. The court of Cosimo was conspicuously splendid but he could never have survived without the backing of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and predominant power in Italy. His glittering court will be forever identified with the cold elegance of Bronzino's portraits, which are raised to greatness by a hint of the tensions burgeoning beneath the polished carapace of 16th-century high life. Bronzino rated as a portrait specialist but his master Pontormo painted portraits on a more occasional basis. His portrait of Cosimo shortly after his accession forms a remarkable contrast with his Getty Halberdier (fig. 6), thought by some to represent an idealized, adolescent Cosimo, rigged out in the smartest para-military gear, romantically defending his native city. The work here on offer shows him in sober civilian guise but with a sense of mastery appropriate to his aristocratic role and the claims of the Medici to primacy. As with Velasquez's early portraits of Spanish royalty, he has no need of showy costume to demonstrate his authority.
Few people would rate Vasari himself on the same level as Pontormo, Rosso, or Bronzino, and he never painted anything so attractive as the luscious tapestry-like fresco decorations by his friend Francesco Salviati. As an architect he is more original, and his Uffizi, designed as government offices, anticipates the 20th-century office block in its dry, modular style. However, as the Pietà in the present group shows, he is often a more expressive artist than his somewhat academic reputation suggests. Vasari was a highly influential artistic impresario and in 1570-1572 he helped design a key Mannerist project, the studiolo of Francesco dei Medici (Cosimo's successor) in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence. This cycle of small paintings, inspired by Francesco's collections of minerals and curiosities, is the epitome of Mannerist elitism in its ultra-sophisticated refinement and abstruse pseudo-scientific subject matter. Unfortunately, for the Council of Trent, established in 1545 to reform the church in the face of the Protestant challenge, the studiolo set a bad example. An art of greater clarity was called for, especially in religious paintings, where the message and stories of the scripture could be more accessible to the layman. Inevitably the Tridentine mandate achieved mixed results. Religious art became easier to read but much of it was pedantic and formulaic. The chief culprit here was Federico Zuccaro, the doyen of late Mannerism in Italy. Zuccaro redeemed himself by his brilliance as a draftsman but it remains a mystery why he and his followers failed to translate the incisive virtuosity of their drawings into the more formal medium of painting and fresco.
A more successful response to Tridentine ideals is represented in the present group by Alessandro Allori's Noli me tangere. Allori was Bronzino's adopted nephew but here he has outgrown his Mannerist origins in favor of a much more realistic style, which is easier to read. Typical of this new emphasis is the costume of the Magdalen, which is not generalized like Christ's but based on contemporary fashion. On close inspection, Christ's right arm is unusually long and his hands, like the Magdalen's, exceptionally large. This adroit exaggeration, in an age where rhetoric still mattered, gives gesture a leading role in a way that was soon to be spectacularly exploited by Caravaggio in his Supper at Emmaus in London (fig. 7). In this very fine late work, Allori has embraced the realism of the early Baroque in a foretaste of 17th-century Baroque classicism.
PROPERTY FROM THE ESTATE OF BARBARA PIASECKA JOHNSON
PROCEEDS TO BENEFIT THE BARBARA PIASECKA JOHNSON FOUNDATION
Literature: MS., Archivio di Stato, Florence, Carte Riccardi, fil. 258, n. 1.
MS., Archivio di Stato, Florence, Carte Riccardi, fil. 278, c. 15.
B. Berenson, I Pittori italiani del rinascimento, Milan 1948, p. 272, no. 133, reproduced.
H. Keutner, "Zu einigen Bildnissen des frühen Florentiner Manierismus," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Instituts in Florenz, VIII, 1959, p. 152.
G. Rosenthal, 'Bacchiacca and his friends. Comments on the exhibition', The Baltimore Museum of Art News, XXIV, no. 2, 1961, pp. 14-15, 58, no. 56.
B. Berenson, Italian Pictures of the Renaissance. Florentine School, London, 1963, I, p. 181.
K.W. Forster, 'Probleme um Pontormos Porträtmalerei (I)', Pantheon, XXII, 1964, p. 380, as by workshop of Bronzino, datable to c. 1540-41.
L. Berti, Pontormo, Florence 1964, p. 101.
R.B. Simon, Bronzino's Portraits of Cosimo I de' Medici, Ph.D., Columbia University, 1982, pp. 181-187, 343, as close to Pontormo.
P. Costamagna and A. Fabre, Les portraits florentins du début du XVI siècle à l'avènement de Cosimo I: catalogue raisonné d'Albertinelli à Pontormo, II, Paris 1986, pp. 384-388, no. 98.
J. Cox-Rearick, 'The Influence of Pontormo's Portrait', in Christie's sale catalogue, New York, 31 May 1989.
L. Berti, 'L' Alabardiere del Pontormo, Critica d'Arte, LVI, 1990, p. 46, as workshop of Bronzino.
P. Costamagna, Pontormo, Milan 1994, pp. 242-244, no. 79.
A. Forlani Tempesti and A. Giovannetti, Pontormo, Florence, 1994, p. 142, no. 48, repeats earlier attributions.
E. Cropper, L'Officina della Maniera, exhibition catalogue, Florence, Uffizi, 1996, p. 380, no. 142.
E. Cropper, Pontormo. Portrait of a Halberdier, Los Angeles 1997, pp. 100-105, no. 52.
A. Pinelli, La bellezza impure: Arte e politica nell'Italia del Rinascimento, Rome 2004, p. 129.
F. Russell, 'A Portrait of a Young Man in Black by Pontormo', The Burlington Magazine, CL, October 2008, p. 676.
Exhibited: Burlington House, 1888.
Houston, Allied Arts Association, Masterpieces of Painting through Six Centuries, 16-27 November 1952.
Baltimore, Museum of Art, Bacchiacca and His Friends: Florentine Paintings and Drawings of the Sixteenth Century, 10 January-19 February, 1961, no. 56.
Cleveland, The Cleveland Museum of Art, Style, Truth, and The Portrait, 1 October-10 November 1963, no. 2.
Florence, Uffizi, L'officina della maniera, 18 September 1996-6 January 1997, no. 380.
The great Florentine artist Jacopo Pontormo painted this imposing portrait of Cosimo I de' Medici around 1537-1538, just after he was elected Duke of Florence in January 1537 at the age of 18. A work of the artist's mature phase, the portrait typifies Pontormo's approach to the genre, in which the elegantly elongated and haughtily posed sitter is intensely alive as a psychological presence yet at the same time "hauntingly inaccessible" (Cox-Rearick, op. cit., p. 38). Shown in the sober dark costume in the Spanish style which Cosimo is described as wearing soon after becoming Duke (D. Mellini, Ricordi intorno ai costumi, azioni, e governo del serenissimo gran duca Cosimo I, 1820 ed., p. 2), he stands within a palazzo flanked by doors framed in pietra serena, the famous blue-grey stone used for architectural detailing in Renaissance Florence. His head set high in the picture field, the handsome young Duke stands holding a book--the attribute of the literary man in Florentine portraiture--thus embodying, as Simon has noted, the ideal prince (Simon, op. cit., p. 183). Indeed, the book and the sword, which the sitter also bears, allude to the Neoplatonic notion of wisdom and power, virtues exalted as those of the ideal prince by Castiglione in his enormously influential Il Cortegiano (The Book of the Courtier), published in Venice in 1528 (Costamagna, 1994, op. cit., p. 243). Costamagna has suggested that this portrait--the only one in which the young Cosimo is shown wearing civilian clothing--is in all probability that sent to Naples for presentation to his fianceé, Eleonora of Toledo, in advance of their nuptials. In this instance, the present portrait might have been displayed in the palace of the Viceroy of Naples on the occasion of their proxy wedding, which took place on 29 March 1539 (ibid.).
The earliest secure record of this picture is found in the inventory of Riccardo Romolo Riccardi, drawn up in Florence in 1612, where it is described as a portrait of the Duke Cosimo wearing a beret with white feather, sword and black garment:
Alla undecima lunette à lato alla porta/Un ritratto conforme agli altri ritratti dell'altre lunette si crede di mano di Jac.o da Puntormo con berrettino in testa, penna bianca, et arme à canto con saio dell'Ecc.mo Duca Cosimo con ornam.to (MS., Archivio di Stato, Florence, Carte Riccardi, fil. 258, n. 1; quoted Keutner, op. cit.p. 152).
The portrait was listed again in the Riccardi inventory of 1814, in which more details about the sitter's attributes and attire, such as his "dark costume in the Spanish style" and the fact of his holding a book, are included.
Un quadro in cornice dorata rappresenta un ritratto di un giovane mezza figura in abito nero alla spagnola con spada e pennacchio bianco sul cappello, tenando in mano un libro mezzo servato stima scudi sessanta (MS., Archivio di Stato, Florence, Carte Riccardi, fil. 278, c. 15; see Costamagna, 1994, op. cit., p. 242).
Although Cosimo's name is not repeated in the latter document, the identification of the sitter as Cosimo has been endorsed by Keutner, who first published the 1612 inventory; Forster (1964); Simon (1982); Cox-Rearick (1989); and Costamagna (1994). Cropper, on the other hand, has proposed an alternative identification of the sitter as the Florentine nobleman Carlo Neroni, although no certain image of him is known to exist (Cropper, 1996, op. cit., p. 380).
Comparison with other portraits of Cosimo argue strongly in favor of identifying the present sitter as the newly-elected Duke. Ridolfo Ghirlandaio's Cosimo I de Medici, aged 12 of 1531 (Florence, Uffizi; fig. 1) shows much younger Cosimo, but with a similar round face, wide eyes and small mouth. Bronzino's allegorical portrait of Cosimo I de' Medici as Orpheus of c. 1537-39 (Philadelphia Museum of Art; fig. 2), painted around the same time as the present picture, provides clearer evidence for Cosimo's physiognomy at this stage, which, as Costamagna has observed, is very close to that of the present sitter. Although Berti pointed out that Cosimo always wore a beard after 1537 (Berti, 1990, op. cit., p. 96), the Philadelphia picture suggests that the beard was not yet fully grown, as does a sketch of the Duke, executed in 1543 by Baccio Bandinelli, which shows a rather uneven beard (whereabouts unknown; see Costamagna, 1994, op. cit., p. 242).
Although the picture was attributed to Pontormo in the Riccardi inventory of 1612, its authorship was the subject of some debate earlier in the last century. It was offered at Christie's, London in 1915 and again in 1930 as by Bronzino, an attribution also put forth by Berti in 1964, though Forster assigned it to Bronzino's studio in that same year. It was exhibited in Baltimore in 1961 as Pontormo, and published as such by Berenson two years later. While Simon judged it "close" to Pontormo on the basis of a photograph in 1982, Fabre and Costamagna included it as Pontormo in full in their 1986 catalogue of 16th-century Florentine portraits. More recently, Cox-Rearick, Cropper and Fahy have all decisively endorsed Pontormo's authorship. In his 1994 catalogue raisonné of Pontormo's paintings, Costamagna reconfirmed its autograph status, referring to it as a "splendid portrait...in which the spirit is incontestably that of Pontormo's works...Above all, the modeling of the face and hands, and no less the expression of his gaze" recall the style of the artist (ibid.).
Scholars have remarked on the striking similarities in format and pose which the picture bears to Pontormo'sPortrait of a Halberdier in the J. Paul Getty Museum in Malibu, traditionally called a portrait of Cosimo de' Medici, but recently published by Cropper as possibly representing the Florentine nobleman Francesco Guardi and datable to c. 1529-30 (see fig. 6 on p. 187; Cropper, 1997, op. cit., pp. 23f.). Although she similarly dates the present picture to the end of the third decade of the 16th century, both circumstantial and stylistic evidence clearly support a dating toward the late 1530s, which the majority of scholars, including Forster, Simon, Costamagna, and Cox-Rearick, have endorsed.
The present picture shares commonalities with other of Pontormo's portraits of the 1530s, such as the Portrait of Alessandro de' Medici of c. 1534-35 (Philadelphia Museum of Art), which shows a similar angular architectural background, format, and figural proportions. As Costamagna was first to suggest, Pontormo most likely re-used the cartoon for the earlier Getty picture in the genesis of the present portrait, making slight adjustments to the pose as the picture progressed (1994, op. cit., p. 242; see also Cropper, 1997, op. cit.,p. 104). The Portrait of Cosimo I de' Medici also relates to certain of Bronzino's portraits, in particular, thePortrait of Ugolino Martelli of c. 1536-37 (Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie), which seems to have inspired its architectural setting (Costamagna, 1994, op. cit., p. 244). The figure's pose in Bronzino's Portrait of a Young Man in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (fig.4) is in turn closely based on that of Cosimo in the present portrait, which Costamagna refers to as the pivotal connection (il cardine) between Pontormo's portraits of the first third of the century and those of Bronzino and his school (ibid.).
Although the history of the picture before its mention in the Riccardi inventory of 1612 has yet to be established, Costamagna has hypothesized that, like the Getty Halberdier and Pontormo's Portrait of Maria Salviati with Cosimo de' Medici as a Baby (Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery), it might have entered the collection of Ottaviano de' Medici (1484-1546), possibly in 1540, and later, that of his son Alessandro, who could have in turn sold the picture to the wealthy banker, Riccardo Romolo Riccardi, its first documented owner (1994, op. cit., p. 244). Well-established within the Medici court by the end of the 16th century, Riccardi was an avid collector of books, antiquities and Italian pictures, among them works by Raphael, Titian, Andrea del Sarto, Pontormo, Bronzino and Rosso Fiorentino. His collection was especially rich in portraits from the Medici collection: the 1612 inventory of his collection lists "Ventidue ritratti di Casa Medici" (Keutner, op. cit., p. 151).
(fig. 1) Ridolfo Ghirlandaio, Cosimo I de Medici, aged 12, 1531, The Uffizi Gallery, Florence.
(fig. 2) Agnolo Bronzino, Portrait of Cosimo I de' Medici as Orpheus, c. 1538-1840. Philadelphia Museum of Art, Philadelphia, Gift of Mrs. John Wintersteen, 1950 /Art Resource, NY.
(fig. 3) Agnolo Bronzino, Portrait of a Young Man, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, H. O. Havemeyer Collection, Bequest of Mrs. H. O. Havemeyer, 1929 (29.100.16). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, NY, Image copyright © The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Image source: Art Resource, NY.
(fig. 1) Raphael, School of Athens, from the Stanza della Segnatura Vatican Museums and Galleries, Vatican City Giraudon The Bridgeman Art Library.
(fig. 2) Michelangelo Buonarroti, Sistine Chapel Ceiling: Libyan Sibyl Vatican Museums and Galleries, Vatican City Alinari The Bridgeman Art Library.
(fig. 5) Agnolo Bronzino, The Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence, San Lorenzo, Florence, Italy.
(fig. 3) Jacopo Pontormo, The Deposition of Christ Capponi Chapel, Santa Felicita, Florence, Italy The Bridgeman Art Library.
(fig. 4) Rosso Fiorentino, The Descent from the Cros Pinacoteca, Volterra, Italy The Bridgeman Art Library.
(fig. 6) Jacopo Pontormo, Portrait of a Halberdier J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, The Bridgeman Art Library.
(fig. 7) Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio, The Supper at Emmaus National Gallery, London, UK The Bridgeman Art Library.